EA Status

If you are still building your TEAM and your GOAL is just to maintain your EA2 Status, here is a way to maintain your EA2 status for less than $20.

Note : Once you have at least 3 Active PSA who reach and are maintaining their EA2 status , we recommend placing a standing order to become a BRONZE TEAM LEADER to benefit from the matching VP that you will get from your Downlines .

FIRST MONTH OF USING THIS PLAN :

Required VP for EA2 : 1500 VP

DAILY ACTION :
Daily Task = 11VP/day x 30 = 330VP

MONTHLY ACTION :
Rate your Sponsor = 10VP
Set your monthly Goal = 5VP

WEEKLY ACTION :
Sending Team email = 30VP/wk x 4 = 120VP
Reviewing TC connect Page= 5VP x 4 = 20VP
Posting in Stream Post = 3VP x 4 = 12VP

TOTAL ACTION VP (DAILY, MONTHLY,WEEKLY) = 497 VP

To complete the 1500VP , you purchase 10 (1 TCredit ) from your TC Store.
Cost = 10 x $1.89 = $18.90
You will get 102VP/TCredit x 10 = 1020 VP
You will get 5MRP/TCredit x 10 = 50 MRP

TOTAL VP ( ACTION + SALES ) = 497VP + 1020VP = 1517VP
** You earned the 1500VP for your EA2 status.

ON SUCCEEDING MONTHS :

You will receive 10 FREE TCredits from SFI + the 10 TCredits you purchase you will have 20 TCredits in your TC Account.

Use 13 of your TCredits and participate in a "DOUBLE MRP" auction . You will get 130 MRP's, use the MRP's to buy 1 TCredit (cost=126MRP) so you can get 102VP .

Your VP for the month will be :

Daily, Weekly, Monthly action = 497VP

1TCredit purchased with MRP=102VP

Buy 9 TCredits @ $1.89/TCredit (total cost=$17.01) you will get 918VP

TOTAL VP for the month= 497+102+918 = 1517 VP (EA2 status)
Cost = $17.01

TIPS :
1. The more TCredits you have, the more MRP's you can convert, the more TCredit's your can purchase, the more VP you can get and the lesser your monthly cost . Participate in the Daily Grand Draw and T-Time contest to have a chance to get more FREE TCredits.

2. Teach your PSA to do this and you will get Direct commission once they purchase the TCredits . You can also use your commission to buy TCredits to maintain your EA2 status or to reach Team Leader Status.

2. Ask your PSA to teach their PSA to duplicate this so you will have an active TEAM of Affiliates . Then it is time for you to work in reaching your TEAM LEADER status to benefit from the matching VP from your active (EA2 & TL ) downlines.

THE BEST TOOL IN OUR BUSINESS IS "DUPLICATION" . WE SET A SYSTEM THAT OUR PSA CAN EASILY DUPLICATE AND THAT THEY CAN ALSO TEACH TO THEIR PSA. . . IF WE CAN DO THIS THEN WE ARE ON OUR WAY TO SUCCESS IN SFI. . .

New at the Forum: Profile Tab

December 12, 2014 by csi4admin

Today we’ve added to the SFI Forum another powerful new feature.  Click on the small tab with the head and shoulder icon and you’ll be able to view and browse:

• All of your posts
• All threads you’ve started
• All posts you’ve subscribed to
• All threads you’ve subscribed to
• All posts you’ve bookmarked

Also, if you’ve had any posts not get approved, they’ll also be listed under the “Unapproved” section with the reason for the non-approval.
SPECIAL TIP: Click on the name of any forum member’s post, and you’ll be able to view all of their posts, threads, and bookmarks!  Oh, and if you’re looking for the link to the Affiliate Snapshot…it’s now the member’s picture.  That is, if you want to view a forum member’s Affiliate Snapshot, just click on their photo!

'Cancelling the Kousar Nag yatra shows the state's brazen intolerance towards pluralism'

Kashmiri Pandits complain that the Jammu and Kashmir government has simply cowered to hardline sentiments and that the real reason for canceling the pilgrimage was not due to ecological concerns but because of religion. Upasna Pandey reports
The Jammu and Kashmir government’s decision to discontinue the Kousar Nag yatra in South Kashmir is snowballing into a much bigger controversy, threatening to derail plans to rehabilitate Kashmiri Pandits in the valley.
Kashmiri Pandits in the area and the world around are upset after the Omar Abdullah government ban on the yatra and labelling the area as an adventure spot rather than a pilgrimage ground. Irked at the government’s handling of the issue, some Kashmiri Pandits from America have even written a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Expressing complete lack of trust in the state government, Dr Romesh Raina, general secretary, All India Kashmiri Samaj, said, “There is a clear pattern to this. Before this, there was the anti-Amarnath yatra violence at Baltal where scores of free langars for yatris were torched and many yatris were injured. There was also the incident of illegal encroachment of land at TirathRajTemple at Mattan.”
Dr Raina added that it was a grave concern that hard line sentiments were ruling the government and also lamented the lack of strong governmance from the National Conference.
He adds that Kashmiri Pandits have been going to Kousar Nag yatra a month before the annual Amarnath yatra for many years, so to even call it a new piligrimage, as cited by a few people, is wrong. “We are deeply anguished by the poor commitment shown by the state government towards the rehabilitation process, which can jeopardize the centre’s efforts as a result, added Dr Raina.
However, Syed Ali Geelani, chairman of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (Geelani) dismisses that the Kousar yatra has any historical context. “We have not about this Kousar Nag yatra and it is quite recent. I don’t understand the need to start new yatra destinations in the Valley.”
Explaining his opposition to the yatra, Geelani added, “Initially, the Amarnath yatra used to be a 15-day trip taken by small groups of Kashmiri pandits from across the country. Today, however, it has a shrine board, has acquired lots of land, and is being run by non-Kashmiris mostly. So a lot is being done in the name of a yatra for establishing political ground and these things do disturb the overall conditions in the Valley.”
However, the Kashmiri pandits are countering this view. They say that the issue is not ecological concerns as put forth by the state and the separatists but purely a case of the rise of fundamentalism and brazen intolerance towards the plural status of the state.
“Across the world, people from all faiths are allowed to freely congregate and practice their religion at spots they consider important. There is, of course, adverse impact on the overall ecology but it cannot be a reason to stop a religious practice,” said a Kashmiri Pandit who did not wish to be named.
“There is blatant deforestation across the Valley, in tourist hotspots such as Gulmarg. The DalLake is highly polluted. But, the government has taken no steps to regulate the flow of tourists or new hotels in the area. But, the same ecological reason is given when they (the government) wants to cancel a pilgrimage,” said Dr Ajay Chrungoo, president of Panun Kashmir.
Citing the historical and religious importance of Kousar Nag, ML Kaul, a retired professor and author of several books on the Valley says “The Kousar Nag pilgrim is mentioned in Nil Mat Puran, which is a 6th century text. In fact, Kousar Nag is actually called Kram saras, and it formed by melting of a glacier. As a practice, Kashmiri Pandits hold natural water springs in high reverence, and worship them as gift from God.”
He also dismissed the argument that there is ecological danger due to pilgrims going to Kousar Nag. “The water at Kausar Nag is ice cold and pilgrims do not use it for bathing or any other purpose. It is only a place of worship so there is no question of polluting the spring water,” added Prof Kaul. 
Meanwhile, the state government has remained mum on the issue. When contacted for a comment, officials Sources refused to comment, adding that the Home Commissioner has been authorised to speak on this, and the National Conference party would not like to comment as “it is a sensitive matter”.
And with the assembly elections just around the corner, the already battered National Conference can’t afford another controversy on their hands.
Image: Protesters clash with the police in Srinagar over the Kousar Nag Yatra. The area has witnessed violence in the past few days over the issue. Photograph: Umar Ganie/Rediff.com

The Indian Spring: Lessons for the world

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December 30, 2013 16:13 IST

The Indian Spring represented by Anna Hazare's anti-corruption campaign, which has culminated in the Aam Aadmi Party's impressive electoral debut in New Delhi, began around the same time as the Arab Spring in 2011 but they led to different outcomes in India and the Arab world, says Ramesh Ramachandran.
On December 17, as Tunisians observed the third anniversary of the self-immolation of a 26-year-old street vendor Mohd Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid that sparked protests in their country and triggered a wave of similar uprisings across north Africa and west Asia, people of New Delhi broke out into celebrations for the second time in less than 10 days.
A rank outsider, Arvind Kejriwal, 45, had just announced a referendum of sorts to ascertain the people’s wishes on whether his Aam Aadmi Party should take the lead for forming a government or not, after the fledgling party made a historic debut in the assembly elections winning 28 seats in the 70-member house and coming second behind the Bharatiya Janata Party and its allies (32) but far ahead of the Congress’s tally of eight seats. Less than a week later, Kejriwal had staked claim to form the government, bringing to a successful culmination an unprecedented experiment in Indian democracy and bringing cheer to ordinary citizens who had had enough of the corruption and inflation that had peaked of late.
The contrast between Sidi Bouzid, a town 260 kilometres southwest of capital Tunis, and Delhi located 6,000-odd km away, could not have been starker. Three years after the first stirrings of the Arab Spring, Tunisia -- much like the rest of the Arab world -- is still coming to terms with the contagion that was unleashed on an unsuspecting society and government alike.
But the Indian version of the Arab Spring that began with a septuagenarian anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare’s fast at Jantar Mantar in Delhi on April 5, 2011 can draw satisfaction from the many successes it has notched up on the way. There is a sense of accomplishment in the air. The spontaneous public movement that captured the imagination of men and women, young and old, in cities and towns across much of India has finally paid dividends.
Not only does India today have a new Lokpal Bill that provides for a nationwide anti-corruption ombudsman, Hazare’s one-time protege Kejriwal has turned a people’s movement for good governance, transparency and accountability into a political party with a remarkable felicity of democratic expression.
That this was achieved without any blood-letting is a tribute to the virtues of democracy in general and the sagacity and maturity of the Indian voter in particular. Compare this with the less than two lakh people killed in the Arab Spring, including, but not limited to, 300 in Tunisia, 1,700 in Egypt, 2,000 in Yemen, 25,000 in Libya, 1.2 lakh in Syria and over 100 in Bahrain, all of which are yet nowhere close to overcoming the challenges such as corruption, unemployment, inflation and inequality that bedevils Sidi Bouzid as much as it does Chandni Chowk. The events that unfolded in those countries brought home the tragic consequences of choosing the bullet over the ballot.
The phenomenon sweeping across much of the Arab world did not leave democratic societies such as the United States, where the Occupy Wall Street movement gained traction, or India, untouched. No country was immune from its reach. Social media ensured that the word spread farther and anger travelled faster.
It sprouted wherever it found a ground made fertile by mis-governance. It spared neither the dictator nor the democrat. Five governments were overthrown, including two in Egypt, just as the ruling Congress party was ousted from power in Delhi but, unlike India and the US, the levels of disenchantment continue to remain high in the democracy-deficit countries in north Africa and west Asia.
The prevailing sentiment in Tunisia, which has seen changes wrought by the Arab Spring, is that people’s lives and their economic situation has improved only marginally but it is not likely to improve any further in the immediate future. Tunisia is likely to witness the approval of a new constitution and the holding of parliamentary elections in 2014.
In a recent study conducted by researchers from the University of Michigan Institute for Social Research and the University of Maryland in the United States, more than 60 per cent of the 3,000 Tunisian adults surveyed said that they are not happy with the current political leadership and 86 per cent said that corruption is common. The situation is worse in Egypt, which increasingly resembles a police state, or, Libya, where militias run amok, throwing the country into further instability.
In Yemen, attempts are still being made for a national dialogue and reconciliation involving multiple stakeholders. “It is clear that the process of Arab transformation will need decades to mature and that its success is by no means guaranteed,” says Marwan Muasher, vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the oldest international affairs think tank in the United States. Muasher’s prognosis for some of the countries affected by the Arab Spring is not encouraging.
According to him, Egypt, which can be expected to hold a referendum on a new constitution in addition to presidential and parliamentary elections in 2014, “is not out of the woods yet.” He sounds a warning for the Arab monarchies who have not succeeded in tackling the underlying political, economic, and social challenges their nations face.
“Jordan will continue to feel that it has successfully ridden the wave of Arab transitions without seriously addressing some of the key economic and political challenges facing the country. And it will probably get away with it, at least for now,” notes Muasher, who served as Jordan’s deputy prime minister from 2004 to 2005 and foreign minister from 2002 to 2004.
At the same time, the Aam Aadmi Party’s ascension to the front and centre of the political landscape and discourse is instructive for a proud democracy such as India. We are seeing Kejriwal’s fourth avatar, this time as a politician, after the engineer-turned-bureaucrat quit government service to launch a non-government organisation. He was in every sense of the word an antithesis to the reticent and self-effacing Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who for many had come to symbolise some if not everything that was wrong with the government and governance.
By any reckoning, the recently-concluded elections in Delhi that catapulted the Aam Aadmi Party to centre-stage had to be among the most secular electoral contests in recent memory because it was fought on the twin issues of corruption and good governance, and these are as secular an issue as secular gets. The usual considerations of caste, sect or religion were trumped by the near universal outrage against corruption.
Contrast this with many of the countries affected by the Arab Spring which descended into sectarianism, majoritarianism or plain terrorism; where people still yearn for the rule of law and many of the personal freedoms and human rights that many around the world take for granted. The Indian Spring also took under its wing issues other than corruption, such as crimes against women. The common man was once again at the forefront of the apolitical, secular protests following the December 16, 2012 gang-rape of a young woman in Delhi.
The Indian Street, similar to the Arab Street, had well and truly begun to take shape. The unprecedented outrage forced Parliament to pass the Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill to tighten the legal framework against rape. Women have found the voice to assert themselves like never before. It has led to the arrest of a magazine editor on charges of rape and a retired Supreme Court judge finds himself at the centre of a row over the alleged sexual harassment of a law intern.
Having said that, if the groundswell of opinion in favour of the Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi extends to even some of the other states of Indian union and/or the mandate decisively shifts away from the two blocs led by the Congress and the BJP to regional parties, then the 2014 parliamentary elections could throw up a more representative government bringing in its wake certain implications for the economic and foreign policies of India. Be it 51 per cent foreign direct investment in multi-brand retail; policies vis-à-vis Pakistan, Bangladesh or Sri Lanka; National Counter Terrorism Centre; or setting up of new nuclear power plants, what cannot be overstated is that devolution of economic or foreign policies to more stakeholders than what is currently assumed should not be entirely unwelcome.
In a federal structure such as India’s, foreign policy in particular cannot be practised in a vacuum or in isolation or without consultations with all stakeholders concerned, including, but not limited to, the states, particularly those that share contiguous borders with neighbouring countries and/or share ethnic, linguistic, cultural or geographical affinities with them.
A foreign policy drawn up in the corridors of the South Block in New Delhi may have served India well in all these decades but contemporary realities dictate that in a federal set-up and in an era of coalition governments the views of the states are factored in at the time of formulation of a foreign policy.
The democratisation of policy-making and the salience of the states in shaping it cannot be continued to be treated as an exception; and the sooner New Delhi gets used to executing its foreign and domestic policies in a coalition with sometimes competing political interests, the better it will be for all the stakeholders concerned.
At the time of writing, protests reminiscent of the Arab Spring are happening in Thailand, where at least four have died so far, and Ukraine. The international community could draw the right lessons from the Indian Spring, which spawned the rise of the Aam Aadmi Party. It has stirred even a 128-year-old party such as the Congress from its complacency and put others on notice. The three-time chief minister of Delhi, who had derisively asked “Who is Arvind Kejriwal? What is [Aam Aadmi Party]?” on election day, got her answer four days later when the votes were counted and how: Her party had been trounced and she herself had lost the election from her constituency. All of which can only mean one thing for political parties and governments everywhere: Thou shalt not mistreat the common man.
Ramesh Ramachandran is a Delhi-based journalist.

Ramesh Ramachandran

Related News: Aam Aadmi Party, Sidi Bouzid, New Delhi, Kejriwal, India